Public reporting indicates that current U.S.-led diplomacy to end the Russia‑Ukraine war centers on:
• U.S.–Russia talks in Riyadh (Feb. 2025): Secretary of State Marco Rubio met Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Saudi Arabia. They agreed to (1) restore staffing at U.S. and Russian embassies, (2) create a high‑level joint team to support Ukraine peace talks, and (3) explore broader improvements in U.S.–Russia relations, all framed as steps toward negotiations over the war. • U.S.-authored peace plan with Ukraine and European allies (late 2025): U.S. envoys have been leading negotiations in Berlin with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and European leaders on a draft peace framework. Key elements include NATO‑style security guarantees for Ukraine if it drops its formal NATO membership bid, a possible European‑led peacekeeping force, and long‑term military and economic support. Territorial questions (especially Donbas and other occupied areas) remain unresolved. • Preparation to present the plan to Russia: Zelenskyy and U.S. officials have said that once internal U.S.–Ukraine–EU drafting is complete, American envoys would present the “very workable” plan to Russia as a basis for direct negotiations.
These efforts are still in flux; no final ceasefire or peace agreement has been reached as of the timeframe of the article.
Italy plays multiple, active roles in international efforts on the Russia‑Ukraine war:
• Political and diplomatic support: Italy strongly condemns Russia’s “unjustified and unprovoked aggression,” backs Ukraine’s sovereignty within its internationally recognized borders, supports Ukraine’s EU accession path, and co‑sponsors UN and Council of Europe actions to isolate Russia and pursue accountability for war crimes. • Sanctions and legal measures: Italy implements extensive EU and G7 sanctions on Russia and Belarus (asset freezes, banking and trade restrictions) and joined the referral of the situation in Ukraine to the International Criminal Court and other accountability mechanisms. • Military and security assistance: Italy has approved multiple military aid packages for Ukraine (lethal and non‑lethal equipment), co‑donated a SAMP/T air‑defense system with France, trains Ukrainian forces, participates in the U.S.-led Ukraine Defense Contact Group, and contributes hundreds of millions of euros via the EU’s European Peace Facility. It also reinforces NATO’s eastern flank through deployments in Latvia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, and air‑policing and naval missions. • Long‑term security commitments: A 2024 Italy‑Ukraine security cooperation agreement commits Italy, together with G7 and Euro‑Atlantic partners, to support modernization of Ukraine’s armed forces and broader security sector over the long term.
The official U.S. State Department readout of the Rubio–Tajani call only says they “also discussed Venezuela” and does not describe specific topics. Based on the readout alone, the concrete issues (for example, oil policy, sanctions, migration, or the post‑Maduro transition) are not publicly known.
U.S.–Italy counternarcotics cooperation is long‑standing and mainly takes these forms:
• Joint law‑enforcement operations and investigations: U.S. agencies (such as the Department of Justice, DEA, and Homeland Security) work with Italian police and the Carabinieri against transnational organized crime groups involved in drug trafficking, especially in the Mediterranean and links to the Americas. Cooperation includes joint investigations, intelligence‑sharing, and operational task forces. • Legal cooperation tools: The countries have a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty and other agreements that allow them to share evidence, records, and testimony for criminal cases, including narcotics prosecutions, and to trace and seize criminal assets. • Broader security and organized‑crime cooperation: Bilateral programs explicitly link drug trafficking with arms trafficking, terrorism, and mafia‑type organizations, reflecting how U.S. and Italian authorities see narcotics networks as part of wider transnational crime that they tackle together.
The Rubio–Tajani readout highlights “the importance of counternarcotics cooperation,” but it does not list specific new initiatives.
Public documents show U.S.–Italy cooperation on Middle East security focuses on:
• Counterterrorism and regional stabilization: Italy contributes troops and training to the global coalition against ISIS and works with the United States on stabilization efforts in Iraq and Syria, including training police and security forces. • NATO and regional missions: Italy hosts major U.S. bases used for operations in the Middle East and contributes forces to NATO and EU missions that affect regional security (for example, in Libya and the broader Mediterranean), often coordinated closely with Washington. • Broader regional initiatives: Recent U.S.–Italy leaders’ statements reference joint work on energy security and infrastructure that link Europe and the Middle East (such as the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor), which both governments frame as contributing to long‑term stability.
The specific Rubio–Tajani call only mentions “continued support of Middle East security and stability,” without listing particular countries or crises.
Tommy Pigott (full name Thomas “Tommy” Pigott) is the U.S. State Department’s Principal Deputy Spokesperson. He was appointed in March 2025 in the Trump–Vance administration after previously serving as the Republican National Committee’s Strategic Communications Director.
The Principal Deputy Spokesperson is one of the department’s top public communicators. The role includes delivering on‑camera press briefings, issuing statements and readouts (like the summary of the Rubio–Tajani call), and helping manage how the State Department explains U.S. foreign policy and diplomatic actions to the media and the public.